By William Aviles
During the lens of world capitalism concept, William Avilés examines democratization and civil-military family members in Colombia to give an explanation for how social and foreign forces resulted in the ostensibly contradictory end result of democratic and financial reform coinciding with political repression. targeting the administrations in energy from 1990 to the current, Avilés argues that the aid within the institutional powers of the army in the country mirrored adjustments within the constitution of the worldwide economic system, the emergence of globalizing technocrats and politicians, and shifts in U.S. overseas coverage techniques towards “democracy promotion.” those similar elements clarify Colombia’s institution of a low-intensity democracy—a constitution of elite rule within which the ideas of coercion (state and para-state repression) and consensus (competitive elections, civilian keep an eye on over the army) continue keep watch over and legitimacy. within the age of capitalist globalization, a low-intensity democracy is such a lot concomitant with neoliberalism, constructing the political and financial setting most fitted to the investments of transnational businesses.
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Extra info for Global Capitalism, Democracy, and Civil-Military Relations in Colombia
However, a role for a repressive state or para-state response within a Low-Intensity Democracy continues to be necessary for those subordinate actors that continue to resist capitalist globalization. Jorge Nef argues that limited democracy, with its narrow mobility opportunities and exclusionary agendas, provides a thin cushion against the deep structural problems once controlled by repression . . in the absence of tangible rewards to buy legitimacy, violence (insurgent, repressive, institutionalized, as well as criminal) has become the most common form of political interaction.
Pearce (1990, 94) effectively sums up the failure of ANUC in changing land ownership patterns: “In 25 years, from 1961 to 1985, INCORA [Colombian Institute of Agrarian Reform] bought up 4,009 farms totalling 472,470 hectares and expropriated only 254 farms totalling 66,035 hectares. This land was distributed to just 30,000 families. 5 percent of all cultivated land (Livingstone 2004, 46). Peasants continued their migration to impoverished shantytowns surrounding the major cities or colonized new regions with little state presence/authority.
La Violencia was concentrated in areas devoted to coffee production and areas that had been only recently colonized (Walton 1984, 91). A good deal of the violence in the countryside involved the possession of land by force and the extortion and eviction of settlers. 12 This partisan and social violence coincided with governmental repression upon labor unions. Unions were required to seek governmental approval to have meetings; the executive declared strikes illegal and eliminated the restrictions upon parallel unions (Bergquist 1986, 357–58).
Global Capitalism, Democracy, and Civil-Military Relations in Colombia by William Aviles