By Christoph Schmitt-Maass, Stefanie Stockhorst, Doohwan Ahn
François Salignac de l. a. Mothe-Fénelon, Archbishop of Cambrai (1651-1715) exerted a substantial effect at the improvement and unfold of the Enlightenment. His most famed paintings, the Homeric novel Les Aventures de Télémaque, Fils d'Ulysse (1699), composed for the schooling of his scholar Duc de Bourgogne, used to be, after the Bible, the main largely learn literary paintings in France through the eighteenth century. It was once additionally translated and tailored into many different ecu languages. And but oddly adequate, the query as to why Fénelon's rules resonated over the sort of broad span of area and time has as but stumbled on no coherent and entire resolution. by means of taking Fénelon's highbrow effect as an issue of 'cultural translation', this anthology strains the reception of Fénelon and his multifaceted writings outdoor of France, and in doing so goals to counterpoint not just our knowing of the Enlightenment, but in addition of the philosopher himself.
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Additional resources for Fenelon in the Enlightenment: Traditions, Adaptations, and Variations: With a Preface by Jacques Le Brun
607–620. And if Voltaire Ceased to be Voltaire? 33 love. Such pur amour in turn arouses both protagonists’ guilty conscience and puts each one on the path to righteousness. These literary examples demonstrate the novelty of Voltaire’s later works and the degree to which they contradict the Voltaire we are perhaps used to reading and teaching. Further, these later short stories are in many respects the literary representation of Voltaire’s Theism. One very likely explanation for this change is that these later texts were written less with the intention to “écraser l’infâme” than with the hope to mitigate the effects of the increased production of unabashedly atheist works, such as d’Holbach’s La contagion sacrée (1768) and his Système de la nature (1770), the latter of which Diderot had contributed to.
He insists, rather, that they emanated from the original will of God. Though neither grace nor Jesus is discussed explicitly, Voltaire also claims that the belief that any further revisions on God’s part of His original plan would testify not to His greatness, but His own fallibility. Like Fénelon, Voltaire refutes Malebranche’s argument regarding particular wills on the grounds that the argument is both logically and morally unsound. 34 Similar sentiments are expressed in the Homélies sur le nouveau testament prononcées à Londres en 1765.
23 This is not to say that the early Voltaire appreciated or even fully understood Fénelon’s religious thought. 24 Indeed, until at least 1767 Voltaire almost always referred exclusively to Télémaque when writing about Fénelon’s work. When he did so, he consistently spoke of what he viewed as the text’s aesthetic shortcomings. 25 Interestingly, despite the numerous reservations that Voltaire had toward Fénelon’s abilities and talents as a writer, he nevertheless maintained throughout his life the habit of closing his letters with phrases referencing Fénelon’s doctrine of pur amour, thus evidencing at least some familiarity with the doctrine (therefore supporting Pomeau’s claim about Voltaire’s early education).
Fenelon in the Enlightenment: Traditions, Adaptations, and Variations: With a Preface by Jacques Le Brun by Christoph Schmitt-Maass, Stefanie Stockhorst, Doohwan Ahn