By Arlene J. Diaz
Girl voters, Patriarchs, and the legislation in Venezuela examines the consequences that liberalism had on gender kin within the strategy of country formation in Caracas from the overdue eighteenth to the 19th century. The 1811 Venezuelan structure granted each person within the summary, together with ladies, the proper to be voters and equals, yet whilst accredited the ongoing use of older Spanish civil legislation that accorded ladies inferior prestige and granted higher authority to male heads of families. Invoking citizenship for his or her personal safety and that in their household, a few ladies went to court docket to say a similar civil liberties and protections granted to male electorate. within the past due eighteenth century, colonial courts disbursed a few security to ladies of their conflicts with males; a century later, besides the fact that, patriarchal prerogatives have been reaffirmed in courtroom sentences. Discouraging as this setback used to be, the activities of the ladies who had fought those felony battles raised an understanding of the discrepancies among the legislations and women’s day-by-day lives, laying the basis for Venezuelan women’s organisations within the 20th century.Drawing on a wealth of basic assets, historian Arlene Díaz exhibits how the fight for political strength within the sleek nation strengthened and reproduced patriarchal authority. She additionally finds how Venezuelan girls from diverse sessions, in private and non-private, coped strategically with their paradoxical prestige as equivalent voters who still lacked strength due to their gender. laying off gentle on a basic yet little tested size of contemporary state development, lady electorate, Patriarchs, and the legislations in Venezuela offers voice to historical Venezuelan ladies whereas providing a close examine a society making the awkward transition from the colonial international to a latest one.
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Additional resources for Female Citizens, Patriarchs, and the Law in Venezuela, 1786-1904 (Engendering Latin America)
It became especially acute in the late eighteenth century: ‘‘the proliferation of pardos in this Province, their proud and defiant character, and the eagerness they show to liken themselves to whites, demands a political stipulation by which Your Majesty may keep them always under some dependency and subordination to whites, as it has been up to now. ’’46 During the s the creole elite grew angry at concessions granted to pardos by the crown. 47 He would become legally qualified to exercise all the privileges of whites, including access to public oﬃce, craft guilds, the church, the university, the lawyers association, and other elite positions.
Hence ‘‘much of the authority of the father’s lineage that was felt and exercised by Caracas mantuano men in the eighteenth century had to be resurrected or recreated in every generation, using the symbols and inherited wealth of the deceased fathers. ’’53 The economic and demographic turns of the eighteenth century impinged directly on mantuano men’s ability to maintain the basic justification of their privileges. Such struggles may now appear as petty quarrels over symbols of status and power, but they make sense when we consider the mantuanos’ economic situation and the dominant values of the period’s aristocratic masculinity.
Upper-class female litigants justified their status as citizens based on their property holdings, while their lower-class counterparts primarily demonstrated such values in their behavior and defense of individual liberties. Demanding equal responsibilities with men in the household, defending themselves from abusive relationships, and asserting their right to work for salaries, lower-class women protected their individual rights. Many of the female litigants expected the laws of the new republic to protect their individual liberties just as they protected men’s.
Female Citizens, Patriarchs, and the Law in Venezuela, 1786-1904 (Engendering Latin America) by Arlene J. Diaz