By Margarita Palacios
Seeing that torture is again within the foreign headlines now, the examine by way of Margarita Pa- cios "Fantasy and Political Violence" may be required interpreting. Her booklet, established within the research of Chilean anticommunism of the early Nineteen Seventies, analyzes a pheno- non that's obscure: the non-rational part of political violence. we don't but have reports facing the matter because it relates to the hot heritage of the us, apart from big journalistic revelations and criminal investi- tions relating what has occurred. between different issues, we lack a theoretical research equivalent to the only undertaken right here through Dr. Palacios. Her specialize in Chile is sort of salutary as the political associations, legislation, and traditions of Chile sooner than the army coup of 1973 have been a minimum of in place of what occurred through the dictat- send, as U. S. associations, legislation, and traditions have been to the admittedly less v- lent emergency regime from 2001 to 2008. hence the query how in a constitutional democracy severe violence could be attainable, should be raised with nice virtue during this specific case learn. for my part, the paintings focuses exceptionally at the imaginary significations that hyperlink the underlying contract of 3 constituencies in this kind of method that the large use of torture in addition to disappearances of individuals within the Chilean case grew to become attainable.
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Extra info for Fantasy and Violence: The Meaning of Anticommunism in Chile
As the child enters the world of language, it realizes or feels that it is incomplete; it cannot continue to be one and the same with the mother. The child has to obey the law of the father, and cannot therefore have the mother. Moreover, it realizes that neither itself nor the mother has the phallus; the father – who has the authority of separating him from the mother – has it. The boy ‘knows’ he doesn’t have it, but he knows will have it (as his father does). As we can already see, the mother, in a Freudian/Lacanian framework is not able by herself to guarantee either the meaning or the autonomy of the subject.
To put it differently, sexuality will account for the different positions that the subject (men and women) can take regarding the object of desire and the law (or language). Let me clarify this point. There are at least two ways of asserting such a claim: the first is the hardline Freudian/Lacanian perspective, which states that men and women are per se, ‘structurally’ different; whilst the second introduces a qualification: men and women are indeed structurally different in the context of an existing patriarchal society.
Though in pre-modern societies it is easier to see the function of the sacred, Durkheim argues, modern societies still rely on the collective consciousness that results from the very interdependence that division of labor produces for their existence. Indeed, the whole argument in The Division of Labor is that difference can only sustain itself as a form of solidarity, based on the homogeneity it produces. Durkheim saw the instability of the social bond and the permanent anomic threat to it and so could also see the conditions under which such a moral bond could exist and be reproduced in modern societies.
Fantasy and Violence: The Meaning of Anticommunism in Chile by Margarita Palacios