By Israel Gershoni, James Jankowski
Confronting Fascism in Egypt bargains a brand new interpreting of the political and highbrow tradition of Egypt in the course of the interwar period. notwithstanding scholarship has ordinarily emphasised Arab political and armed forces aid of Axis powers, this paintings unearths that the shapers of Egyptian public opinion have been mostly unreceptive to fascism, overtly rejecting totalitarian principles and practices, Nazi racism, and Italy's and Germany's expansionist and imperialist agendas. the bulk (although now not all) of Egyptian voices supported liberal democracy opposed to the fascist problem, and such a lot Egyptians sought to enhance and reform, instead of to switch and wreck, the present constitutional and parliamentary system.The authors position Egyptian public discourse within the broader context of the complicated public sphere in which debate unfolded—in Egypt's huge and colourful community of day-by-day newspapers, in addition to the weekly or per month opinion journals—emphasizing the open, diversified, and pluralistic nature of the interwar political and cultural enviornment. In studying Muslim perspectives of fascism in the interim whilst classical fascism used to be at its height, this enlightening publication heavily demanding situations the hot assumption of an inherent Muslim predisposition towards authoritarianism, totalitarianism, and "Islamo-Fascism."
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Extra info for Confronting Fascism in Egypt: Dictatorship versus Democracy in the 1930s
The critical views of Nuqrashi and Ahmad Mahir of what they portrayed as a Nahhas- Ubayd cabal are reported to have resonated particularly with younger and educated Egyptians. By October, Egyptian police reports reaching the British indicated that “Noqrashi’s supporters are showing great activity in their propaganda among students apparently 32 Narratives and Contexts with considerable success, particularly in the Azhar. ”86 Nahhas’s position was not enhanced by his increasingly autocratic manner.
A long-festering hostility between Wafdist grandees—the party’s leader Mustafa al-Nahhas and his closest associate Makram Ubayd on the one hand, the inﬂuential party members Mahmud Fahmi al-Nuqrashi and Ahmad Mahir (brother of Ali Mahir) on the other—in late 1937 produced what may have been the most serious schism in the Wafd’s history. The dispute between the two groups was in part personal, in part over policy. Nuqrashi and Ahmad Mahir resented Makram Ubayd’s inﬂuence over Nahhas; their opposition to the granting of public contracts on the basis of what they maintained was favoritism also alienated them from Nahhas and Ubayd.
Concurrent with the Wafd’s electoral victory of May 1936, the death of King Fu ad (April 28, 1936) resulted in Egypt acquiring a new monarch in the person of Fu ad’s sixteen-year-old son Faruq. From the start of Faruq’s reign, the Wafd and the Palace engaged in an increasingly bitter struggle for power. The rivalry of Wafd and Palace provided the primary domestic referent for the evolution of Egyptian attitudes toward democracy and dictatorship in the years from 1936 to 1939. The initiative in the struggle came largely from the Palace.
Confronting Fascism in Egypt: Dictatorship versus Democracy in the 1930s by Israel Gershoni, James Jankowski